Introduction
Many people inside or close to the BJP, and inside or close to the
broader Sangh Parivar, have become dissatisfied with what they perceive as
the increasing distance between the BJP's actual policies and the Hindu
expectations among the public on which the party capitalizes. To some
extent, the problem lies with the BJP itself, distinguishing it from other
Hindutva organizations, who then tend to blame the increasing non-Sangh
element inside the BJP for this "degeneration", especially the opportunists
who jumped onto the promising BJP bandwagon after the 1989 and 1991
electoral breakthroughs. To a large extent, however, the BJP problem is the
RSS problem. In the BJP, the RSS approach is put to the test of day-to-day
political practice, in confrontation with the enemies of Hindutva, without
the benefit of the secretiveness which characterizes the functioning of
other Sangh-affiliated organizations. Except for the recent defection and
corruption scandals, the major failures of the BJP can be traced to RSS
policies and RSS ideological conditioning.
At any rate, the problem is
serious enough, even in the eyes of many BJP or RSS members, to warrant a
frank debate. It is to this debate that the present paper wants to
contribute. The prime focus of our attention will be the BJP's performance,
but with constant reference to the RSS background. Most examples will be
drawn from the one aspect of Hindutva politics which is by far the most
conspicuous and the most common target of secularist criticism: the relation
with Islam. Historically, the RSS was created in a context of Hindu-Muslim
tension, and till today, its activists have frequently been in conflict with
the Muslim community politically or even physically. An organization which
has had to deal with India's Islam problem for more than 70 years may be
expected to have developed a clear analysis of this problem, and an
effective strategy to counter it.
Many Sangh Parivar activists
are not going to like this paper. They have a childlike affection for the
organization which has given them togetherness and solidarity, a feeling of
purpose and of home. Often self-effacing idealists, they don't mind
criticism of their own person, and they can listen to insults to India and
Hinduism without being moved, but they are very touchy when it comes to
criticism of the Sangh. I apologize to them for any hurt caused by this
text, but I am convinced of its urgent necessity. The Sangh is benumbed by
the decades-long crossfire of criticism by its enemies, but is not used to
listen to criticism from friendly quarters.
On the other hand, a lot of
Sangh people are going to agree with my remarks. It is partly because of
complaints from Sangh activists themselves that I have resolved to formulate
this critique. Little does the Sangh leadership realize that numerous
idealistic volunteers have joined one of the many Sangh-affiliated
organizations because they want to do something for Hinduism, not because
they care about the specific Sangh outlook. The Sangh Parivar just happens
to be around, just happens to be the largest organization reputed to be
working for Hinduism, so Hindu-minded people join one of its fronts rather
than go through the wasteful trouble of setting up their own rivalling shop;
but that doesn't mean they are enthusiastic about certain Sangh fads which
will come up for scrutiny in this paper.
The present text is a
much-enlarged version of a two-part guest column published in the
Observer of Business and Politics (Delhi) of 6 and 7 December 1996, and
contributed at the suggestion of Mr. R.K. Mishra and Mr. Balbir Poonj. I
thank them for their interest and for the courage of publishing that column,
but of course they bear no responsibility whatsoever for its contents.
Among all the Sangh people whom I should thank for giving me access to
information, I want to mention Mr. K.R. Malkani and Mr. Devendra Swarup in
particular. I hope they can appreciate the spirit in which I offer the
comments which follow.
Koenraad Elst
Leuven, 17 January 1997
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